... behind every genuine human action stands theology... a politics which, even when highly unreflected, does not preserve a theological moment in itself is, no matter how skilful, in the last analysis, mere business.
Max Horkheimer
Because of its size this Chapter has been broken up into Twelve Sections:
Introduction
This chapter explores some of the possibilities opened up by linking aspects of contemporary Christian theological critiques of domination with critical theory's critiques of domination. There are three main reasons why Christian theology is relevant to the overall argument of this thesis. Firstly, there is a significant thematic continuity between critical theory and political theologies. Horkheimer recognised this continuity, as evidenced by the quote at the beginning of this chapter. So too did Adorno, who, in the last aphorism in Minima Moralia, wrote in selfconsciously theological terms that philosophy could become responsible for guiding people in the living of the correct life through 3... the effort to regard all things as the way they would represent themselves from the standpoint of salvation [Erlösung]. Knowledge has no other light than that which shines from salvation on the world; all others exhaust themselves in post facto construction and remain a part of technology2 (in Jay, 1973: 177 8). Both political theology and critical theory look forward to a better world and implicitly, and often explicitly, criticise the present world. Secondly, Christian theology also thematically joins with critical theory in that both regard many aspects of conventional or secular Weltanschauüngen as ideological illusions, contributing to socially created and maintained limits on what can be perceived by people as possible. Thirdly, this theology is sociologically significant because the theologies to be discussed here are being used by activists throughout the world as theoretical guides for struggles against manifestations of domination. Indeed, liberation theologies cannot be properly understood unless the reflexive connections between theological orthodoxy or Îright belief1 and theologically mediated social action, Îorthopraxy1 or Îright action,1 are also recognised. Further, Christian theology can be understood as an alternative paradigm to secular social theory because it offers its own explanations for human experience, as well as giving grounds for human hope. In its critical form, which is what political and liberation theologies represent, theology has two main tasks: ... the formation and development of a critical theory of society and history, so as to provide a causal explanation of the present situation; and the initiating and fostering of the process of critical selfreflection within the Christian community (Davis, 1980: 73). The actualisation of the eschatological themes in political and liberation theology leads to how political and liberation theologians deal with questions of politics and action. The political theologies to be discussed in this chapter implicitly, and indeed often explicitly focus on domination. They are oriented to the task of attempting to articulate a theology which is relevant for people struggling for their emancipation from domination. In one sense, they are joining with secular theorists and activists concerned with questions of freedom and domination, but bringing with them distinctive perspectives derived from contemporary Christian political theology. As Matthew Lamb writes:
The struggles of the poor and oppressed throughout the world... indicate how religious meanings and values and religious institutions can be and are integral to those struggles for effective human freedom... it is a question of showing how those human struggles for freedom reveal the true meanings and values of the narratives and teachings of religion (Lamb, 1982: 53).
While not attempting to be comprehensive, this chapter examines some themes in recent Christian political theology, especially political theology developed by Charles Davis, Hans Küng, Johannes Baptist Metz, Jürgen Moltmann, Helmut Peukert, and Rudolf Siebert, and some themes in liberation theology, particularly as developed by José Miguez Bonino, Gustavo Gutierrez, and José Miranda. Key themes in both theological traditions to be considered here are eschatology, the Kingdom of God, the relationship between politics and action in these theologies, violence, humanity1s relationship with the environment, and the role of community in practical theology. The phrase Îpolitical theology1 is used to refer to politicallyoriented theology emerging from NorthWestern Europe, and the phrase Îliberation theology1 to refer to politicallyoriented theology emerging from Southern America, though the difficulties in making such a distinction are accepted, a distinction nevertheless acknowledged as useful by liberation theologians such as Hugo Assmann, and American commentators on political theologies such as Matthew Lamb (Assmann, 1976: 86 97; Lamb, 1982: 54).
These political and liberation theologies and theologians evidence a significant ecumenism, so on central points of argument it matters little that, for example, most of the Liberation theologians are Catholics, and, of the political theologians, Metz and Küng are Catholics, while Peukert, Moltmann, and Siebert are Protestants (e.g., Fierro, 1977: 19 33). It is not accidental that when they want to discuss the contemporary Western context in which theology is being done, theologians such as Moltmann and Küng turn to critical theory (e.g., Moltmann, 1967: 315; 1977: 107; Küng, 1978: 38 51), though there is agreement about the hopelessness and theoretical despair which overtook Adorno, Horkheimer, and Marcuse, to which they propose a reradicalised political theology as a corrective. Siebert and Peukert in particular take up some of the implications of Habermas's critical theory and apply them to theology, implications which will be examined below.
There is nothing especially new or novel about Christian radicalism arising to challenge established forms of domination. Indeed, much of the Bible itself can be interpreted as representing, even exhorting, political and social protest against established orders of domination. The Gospel of Mark, for example, is a favourite for radical exegetes not the least because it was almost certainly the first Gospel written, is probably closest to the original oral and quite possibly earliest written traditions of the early Christians, and 3... originally was written to help imperial subjects learn the hard truth about their world and themselves... [Mark1s] is a story by, about, and for those committed to God1s work of justice, compassion, and liberation in the world2 (Myers, 1988: 11). Explicitly, as described in Acts, the early Christian community repudiated private property relations in favour of radical communalism (Acts 2:4347 & 4:3237), a stance which still has enormous relevance today (e.g., Kavanaugh, 1982; Moltmann, 1977: 168 176; Berryman, 1987: 63 79). The history of Christianity is laden with instances of revolts against established domination manifested in both Church and State, those revolts contributing to the development of modern political practices and institutions, as well as providing a rich lode for contemporary secular and religious radicals. (e.g., Walzer, 1969; Gish, 1970). As writers such as José Miranda, a Mexican Liberation theologian, and Myers demonstrate, rereading the scriptures using modern critical and hermeneutic tools of literary analysis leads directly to an uncovering of the original meanings of the texts which reveals their radical criticisms directed at the society from which they emerged as well as their profound universal criticisms of all existing relations of domination and their yearning for a better world where justice and peace would be normal.
© Mark D. Hayes October 1994 All Rights Reserved
